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Oct 20, 2017

Speech by Mianta McKnight

Mianta McKnight

keywords: Millions For Prisoners Human Rights March Speeches

Prison Focus Issue 53
Fall 2017

Read at August 19, 2017 San Jose sister march for the Millions for Prisoners Human Rights March

My name is Mianta McKnight. I am the Community Engagement Director at Justice Now. As a person that came home from a women's prison, after serving 18 years and 1 day on a 15 to life sentence. I realized exactly how important transitional resources and assistance are. I had just turned 17 when I went into the correctional system in 1995. In 2013, I came out as an adult and had to figure out what my life would look like. I had no life experience outside of incarceration as an adult.

I learned I was ineligible for a lot of resources. When I came home I didn't have a child or a drug or alcohol addiction, but in order to access the resources I needed I had to fabricate that I did. So many people are coming home from women's prisons and the resources that they need are not available. The vast majority of people held inside the women's prisons are people of color. As I watch my folks come home I realize that women and girls of color specifically are marginalized, ignored and forgotten.

Most people when they come home have an ideal plan of what their life is going to look like. When they hit a brick wall it is hurtful, discouraging, frustrating and can derail some people. How can you expect people to come out and do better when none of the resources that can help them are available? We're sent back into impoverished communities expecting to pick up the pieces and put our families back together.
We come home to attempting to adjust and fall back into our roles in our family. This is challenging oftentimes and not just hard on the person that is trying to integrate but also on the family members. Wraparound services for women and girls of color specifically would provide the opportunity to find sustainable, dignified and living wage employment. That’s a basic human right, and a necessity, especially here in the Bay Area.

But to keep a job, you need a roof over your head and a safe place to raise your family. Women experience tremendous trauma before and during incarceration, and need stable housing and access to mental health services. It is wrong to think that we’ll come home and be able to fall in line and everything will flow smoothly without support. I am now a Mother and feel the pressure to make sure my daughter has what she needs, she is dependant on me to “get it right," there is no room for error. I strive daily to build a solid foundation for my family. I am resilient determined and know I am not defined by my record. I was given a 2nd chance at life and won't waste it. I do need resources and seek them out.

In 2014 California voters passed Prop 47. This measure was designed to move resources from prisons back into services in the community. It also provided an opportunity for many Californians to have their felony sentences reclassified to misdemeanors. The State is currently implementing the law, and women like me are watching closely. We encourage you to do the same. In order for Prop 47 to succeed, the resources it creates much reach women, and specifically women and girls of color. So far, there are no gender-responsive services being offered. We are working hard to change that, and make sure California women get a fair chance to thrive after release. Thus far we are failing to do so effectively and consistently.

Stay up to date on our work by following us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/JusticeNowOrg/

Oct 20, 2017

STATEMENT OF PRISONER REPRESENTATIVES ON SECOND ANNIVERSARY OF ASHKER V. BROWN SETTLEMENT

By Sitawa, Arturo Castellanos, Todd Ashker, George Franco Arturo Castellanos Todd Ashker George Franco

keywords:

Prison Focus Issue 53
Fall 2017

Oct 14, 2017 marks the 2 year anniversary of the approval of the Ashker settlement. We celebrate our victory in the Ashker case, in which virtually all of the over 1600 prisoners then languishing in indeterminate SHU were released to General Population. This victory was achieved through 3 hunger strikes and the non-violent legal and political action of thousands of California prisoners, their families, supporters, and their attorneys.

However, unfortunately our general monitoring is due to run out after two years unless the Court grants an extension. We believe that CDCR is still engaged in constitutional violations that deny prisoners due process and seeks to put us back in the hole, for many, indeterminately under the guise of Administrative SHU. Our attorneys will seek an extension of the agreement due to CDCR’s systemic violations of the constitution. We don’t know what the court will do, but we do know that prisoners and their families have to re-energize our human rights movement to fight against the continuing violations of our rights. Examples are:

-CDCR’s continued misuse of Confidential Information to place prisoners back in the SHU, particularly with bogus conspiracy charges;
-The lack of out of cell time, programming and vocational programs in Level 4 prisons. The last letter of CDCR stands for rehabilitation, and there is almost no rehab programs or opportunities in the level 4 prisons. They function like modified SHUs;
-The denial of parole to lifers and Prop 57 prisoners who have clean records simply because of old, unconstitutional gang validations and CDCR’s illegally housing us in SHU for years;
-The turning of the Restrictive Custody General Population Unit which was supposed to be a GP unit where prisoners who had real safety concerns could transition to regular GP, into a purgatory where the only way out is to either debrief or die;
-CDCR promulgation of new regulations which gives the ICC discretion to put people back in the SHU, allows for many prisoners to be placed in the future in indeterminate Administrative SHU, or to be placed in the RCGP on phony safety concerns.

We must stand together, not only for ourselves, but for future generations of prisoners, so that they don’t have to go through the years of torture that we had to. We need all prisoners – young and old -to make our collective outcry public to ensure that the victory that we have won is not reversed by CDCR behind closed doors. Ultimately, we are the ones who are responsible for leading the struggle for justice and fair treatment of prisoners. That is why we entered into the historic Agreement to End Hostilities, and why it is so important that the prisoner class continue to stand by and support that agreement. We cannot allow our victories to be nullified by CDCR’sabuse of power, and may have to commit ourselves to non-violent peaceful struggle if CDCR continues on its present path.

We need everyone- prisoners, their families and the public - to send comments on CDCR’s proposed regulations to staff@aol.ca.gov, send emails and letters urging Gov Brown to sign Assembly Bill 1308, make sure that prisoner complaints about unfair treatment are publicized, and to work together to rebuild our prisoners human rights movement.

We cannot let CDCR increase its use of prolonged solitary confinement either by misusing confidential information to place prisoners in SHU on phony conspiracy charges, or through increasing the use of Administrative SHU. As the Supreme Court stated over one hundred years ago in the 1879 case of Wilkerson v. Utah, it is “safe to affirm that punishment of torture… and all others in the same line of unnecessary cruelty are forbidden by that [the Eighth] Amendment.” The admired historian Howard Zinn noted the application of that decision to the modern SHU: “All we need then, is general recognition that to imprison a person inside a cage, to deprive that person of human companionship, of mother and father and wife and children and friends, to treat that person as a subordinate creature, to subject that person to daily humiliation and reminder of his or her own powerlessness in the face of authority… is indeed torture and thus falls within the decision of the Supreme Court a hundred years ago.”

Oct 20, 2017

Picking up the torch of abolition: Millions for Prisoners Day of Action

Cole Dorsey

keywords: Millions for Prisoners Human Rights March

Prison Focus Issue 53
Fall 2017

Read at August 19, 2017 San Jose sister march for the Millions for Prisoners Human Rights March

First, I’d like to say, on behalf of the Oakland Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee, how honored we are to be here with you all today and standing up on behalf of the millions of people caught up in the prison or “justice” system and detention facilities within the United States. We’re out here in conjunction with all the people that are marching in DC on this day with the same message. We have a “justice system” that perpetuates the institution of racism in this country through its targeting of the most marginalized communities: people of color, women, and the LGBT community.

Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee, or IWOC, is a project of the Industrial Workers of the World labor union and is an organization that is now a couple of years old. We have over 1000 prisoners as union members and as many contacts that we communicate with in prisons across the country. As outside members of IWOC our job is to facilitate the formation of inside branches of the Union. Also to publicize and amplify the voices of prisoners as they relay their conditions and their fights for justice on the inside to those of us on the outside.

In my several years in prison I came to realize many things. One of which being that the punitive actions enforced within prisons are designed to break your spirit. From years of solitary confinement, to constant threats against your parole. Also, I realized how greatly the prisons benefitted off the divisions that prisoners create by breaking up into racial gangs, which is typical.

Prisons use arbitrary punishments as a tool to break your spirit and will to fight. Where any perceived infraction of “the program” that they design for you to adhere to, will be swiftly met with severe repercussions that range from: denial of parole, more charges, beatings, and even murder. These are just some of the threats prisoners face when they attempt to confront the system on their own.

Despite this, while I was in prison there were several collective actions that we prisoners took. They were all relatively spontaneous though and a reaction to an injustice like not receiving commissary one week, so we all refused to lock down after dinner. Or when they refused to let my 8-man cell out for rec time and we decided to flood the whole cell block. Historically prisoners have taken collective action to better their conditions or to fight back. Prison officials always responded the same way by acting as if they would listen and heed our grievances, but they only did that to get us back in our cells or stop what we were doing. Once all prisoners are locked up again and they feel they have the situation under control they try to single out and identify the “leaders” and use them as an example through severe punishment.

Prisons only function because prisoners go to their prison jobs which predominately are jobs that keep the facilities running from laundry and maintenance, to food production and assembling products for the state or other facilities to use. The IWW has always advocated that the working classes greatest strength is at the point of production. Thousands of prisoners across the country proved this fact by shutting down 24 prisons across the country last year on September 9th which coincided with the 45th anniversary of the Attica uprising. It was the largest coordinated action by prisoners in US history, led by leaders of the Free Alabama movement, free Ohio movement, and IWOC. IWOC estimates at least 57,000 prisoners participated or were locked down to prevent their participation.

Strike leaders produced a document titled, “Let the crops rot in the fields” in the lead up to the prison strike last year, which equated the institutionalization of slavery with the “exception clause” of the 13th amendment. So as slaves were forced to harvest crops by ‘letting the crops rot in the fields’ they meant “don’t go to work” and don’t prop up these institutions of our confinement. That document laid it out in real terms. Whereas during chattel slavery the land owner collected the profits and administered the punishments.
After the Civil War and with the addition of the 13th amendment they codified slavery into law. Armed vigilante groups, which evolved and became the police as we know them today, would capture freed slaves on fabricated or wholly made up charges just to return them to the plantations they had supposedly just been freed from, only now they weren’t plantations. They were called prisons and administered by the state. That was the back room deal made between northern industrialists and southern landowners so they didn’t lose their workforce. The landowner became the warden and the overseer became the guard.

While the majority of prison jobs are to keep the facilities operating, we’ve increasingly seen large corporations getting into the prison game after seeing the potential profit margins they can secure with a workforce to which they pay pennies and in some states don’t pay anything, for the work they do. We’re talking about major corporations like Bank of America, Exxon, Mobil and McDonalds. AT&T has been outsourcing their unionized workforce since the 90’s not to Mexico, not to India, but right here in the U.S., to prisoners.

One of our leaders, Kinetic Justice, co-founder of the Free Alabama Movement, broke it down like this: there is a reason they don’t offer these jobs that they do in prisons, to people on the outside in those most affected marginalized communities. It’s because they’ve realized these communities are more easily controlled inside prisons. Kinetic’s observation on control is that we are now in an age of increasing “surplus” populations and the government has been using prisons as their solution to that problem.
A notable theorist recently pointed out that “The purpose of prison is not to reap profits from people’s labor, but to warehouse those for whom no profit-making work exists.”
We must see prison, juvenile halls, and immigrant detention centers for exactly what they are, which is a part of the institution of racism in this country and a vital component of the carceral state.

So, with that being said, while we support this effort at reform as it was called for by prisoners, we also see it as only one strategy in the ongoing war against prisons. Though we support reform efforts like this when called for by prisoners, at the end of the day we are prison abolitionists. We are revolutionaries. Through our mutual political education classes and our collective analysis, we recognize that the prison and detention centers are used as a weapon to continue to subjugate Black and Brown people and women, and to continue to perpetuate the institution of racism in this country.

While we’re able to bop white supremacists in the head when they try to rally, combating racism as its codified in the “justice system” will require the mutual aid and support of all of us, on the outside, by supplying material support when it’s needed, and also by amplifying, and publicizing the voices of all of our brothers and sisters being held in prisons and detention centers, and attempting to fight back collectively. Same goes for the over 5 million people on some type of monitoring e.g. probation, house arrest etc. They need our support and solidarity as well.

While we’re here today in solidarity with you all and the fight to repeal the “exclusion clause” of the 13th amendment, let me conclude with this. Even if the “exception clause” is repealed, The Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee will continue communicating and organizing with prisoners. We’ll continue building inside union branches and we’ll continue hitting the streets loud and hard when our incarcerated members call on us to. We’ll continue in our work until every single prison, every immigrant detention center, and every juvenile hall in this country is completely empty.

Oct 20, 2017

California Prison Focus and Rise Up For Justice Sponsor Millions for Prisoners Rally and March

Nube Brown, Mathew Sahagian

keywords: Millions for Prisoners Human Rights March

Prison Focus Issue 53
Fall 2017

On August 19th courageous and loving folks in San Jose, California joined with sister marches and rallies all over the country in support of prisoners’ human rights, amending the 13th, and thereby launching the New Abolitionist Movement. Their courage is found in the rejection of an institution so insidious that any criticism can bring a torrent of ridicule and backlash; an institution that tells us ‘they- the other” are undeserving of our humanity, an institution of legal slavery in the ‘land of the free.” And their love is revealed by their enthusiasm for a new society which reunites us in our common experience and affirms those rights which we call human, to all members of our society caged or not, and regardless of skin-color, socio-economic status, or past discretions.

The march launched at 11:45 a.m. with a speech from Amend the 13th’s founder, Joka Heshima Jinsai, recorded and blasted through a bullhorn to crowd of hundreds. Troy Williams of the SF Bayview followed with a call to remember why we march, setting the tone for a purposeful and peaceful demonstration to the public.

As we marched in solidarity through the lively Japantown neighborhood chants rang out: “Brick by brick, wall by wall, we will make your prisons fall” and “Human rights apply to all, even those behind a wall”. Onlookers enjoying a patio lunch stood and applauded, while those passing in cars or on foot honked and cheered as marchers proceeded with signs calling to end mass incarceration and recognize solitary confinement as torture.

As we made our way forward to converge on James P McEntee plaza across from the county jail, marchers were welcomed by Watani Stiner. Despite decades of imprisonment and dehumanization, his joyous introduction spread optimism as it reverberated throughout the crowd: “Welcome all of you beautiful and magnificent souls! Today is a good day to resist! Today is a beautiful day to rise up and say ‘no more!’ Today is a wonderful day to say ‘not in my name!’” With that, the stage was set for voices to be heard and stories to be shared.

Riding a wave of solidarity, speakers shared painful truths about the U.S. prison system. Raymond Aguilar noted, “They incarcerated my body, they incarcerated part of my soul, but they did not incarcerate my mind,” as he spoke to his experience and on the issue of juvenile life without the possibility of parole. On behalf of Mianta McKnight of Justice Now, Julia Arroyo of Young Women’s Freedom Center called out the realities of a system that lacks the resources for girls and women of color returning home from prison.

But among the cheers and outbursts of encouragement, there were moments of sheer heartbreak and anger. We witnessed the pain and loss of a mother, Laurie Valdez who shared the murder of Antonio Guzman Lopez, father to her young son, by San Jose State University police. Alongside her, the frustration of Ato Walker, whose life was disrupted by a racist police officer and an unjust bail system. One by one, speakers rose to share their lived experiences. One by one the crowd was moved, not just to open their eyes, but also their hearts.

As history replays itself on the national stage through white supremacist and neo-nazi violence, we are called not merely to avoid the mistakes of our past, but to wholly reimagine our future. “There is no room for slavery in humanity. There can be no exception for any group,” declared Mariposa McCall addressing the crowd.
Today, we must dare to create a new system- a system without slavery, without prisons. In the shared words of Cole Dorsey, organizer with the Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), “While we support this effort at reform as it was called for by prisoners, we see it only as a strategy in the ongoing war against prisons...at the end of the day, we are prison abolitionists. We are revolutionaries.”

As the rally closed, we, marchers and speakers all, concluded with a pledge: “We have set the stage for the real work to come. In unity we will become stronger, more committed, and more resolved. We stand firm in our belief that all community members, caged and uncaged, deserve their human rights. We stand committed to the New Abolitionist Movement to end slavery in America once and for all.”

With that the platform was set for voices to be heard, stories to be shared. In this environment of support and solidarity painful issues such as juveniles sentenced to Life Without Parole brought to light by Raymond Aguilar and lack of resources for girls and women of color returning home, advocated for by Julia Arroyo on behalf of Mianta McKnight, were able to be shared.

You could feel the crowd spellbound and moved as we witnessed the pain and loss of a mother, Laurie Valdez as she shared the killing of the father to her young son by SJ police. But it was being together in common humanity that almost became our fresh air. Folks who wouldn’t commit to speaking seemed to feel the love and camaraderie that was generated and spoke in the end. It was the unity, the humanity we felt from being with each other, face to face, looking in the eyes, sharing the lived experience. And it’s not only in the telling that things got done. We had to be good listeners. We opened our hearts, not just our ears. The hope and the drive and the commitment was undeniable in each of those speakers and it encouraged and awakened us. The many issues brought to bare were difficult and varied, like bail reform and banning the box, the deadly issue of simply “not being heard”, and losing our humanity spoken eloquently by Mariposa McCall. In that hour and a half, we bonded through storytelling and being on common
ground, then we pledged to ride the wave of the New Abolitionist Movement together.

Editors Note: 19 August 2017 — Hundreds rallied outside the White House today for the "Millions for Prisoners' Human Rights March." The event was organized by U.$. prisoners and outside groups to focus on the issue of the 13th Amendment.

Oct 20, 2017

History of the Debriefing Program

Louis Powell, Lancaster

keywords: SHU, solitary, human rights

Prison Focus Issue 53
Fall 2017

In the 1970’s a highly secretive counterintelligence program inside of the California Department of Correction [and Rehabilitation] became operational, it was referred to as the Debriefing Program. The special agent of SSU were former military and mercenaries who had operated in counter-insurgency and counterintelligence units in places like Vietnam, Laos, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Angola, etc. They would bring their expertise inside the CDCR during the Ronald Reagan governorship to carry out counterintelligence operations in general, against the NF, EME and AB, and in particular, against the BGF.

The word debriefing is a military term. Soldiers of the United States Military and agents of intelligence units coming in from Recon and other missions would undergo debriefing. Also captured enemy soldiers and spies with confidential information about activities and plans of hostile groups or nations would be taken through enhanced interrogation [debriefing] under some form of mental/physical torture. Foreign diplomats and other defectors would be taken through debriefings.

The debriefing program of the 1970’s was very unique, it would be the first program of its kind in a state or federal prison system dealing with prison organizations with a sophisticated paramilitary structure. The debriefing program wasn’t at the time based on debrief, parole, or die. The SSU debriefing program was exclusively directed around a small influential circle of people inside the four named entities referred to today as a security threat Group-1 (NF, EME, AB/BGF by the CDCR. SSU set-out to turnout particular ranking members inside each of the entities who could be compromised. The targeted individual’s life was placed under a microscope of surveillance for profiling. Wherefore the visible aspect of their personality may suggest exploitability. Some were vulnerable to being blackmailed or they were opportunistic when extraordinary privilege was placed on the table, some went for the offer of immunity, and some could be compromised with a supply of heroin. All of this was done towards a strategy of coopting them into working as confidential informants who would be receptive to provocateur work. The debriefers were kept under the radar of prison guards who were considered by SSU as corruptible in their mercenary motives. They couldn’t leak what they didn’t know.

In the mid 1970’s the undercover debriefers inside of particular groups were instructed by their SSU handlers to create fifth column cadres in an attempt to usurp control over their formation hierarchy. The SSU were successful in the first 5 years of the debriefing program, they decided to expand said program from exclusively targeted ranking individuals to being inclusive of their affiliates of the STG-1 groupings.

The SSU introduced a second phase of the debriefing program which became inclusive of both ranking and underling members and even non-member associates. By 1985 the second phase of the debriefing program begin tightening the screws on the four STG-1 groups by way of indefinite solitary confinement which meant psychological warfare, deprivations, non-contact visit, excessive cell searches, mail tampering, set-ups, transferring far away, incursions of outside families residence, bus therapy/transfers for jailhouse lawyers, slanderous accusations, exposing sexual identity of closet homosexuality, minimum amount of property/canteen, orchestrated contradictions that led to assaults and killings, inadequate medical care, lack of nutritious meal, maddening noise throughout the night, coming under urine/feces attack, and on top of it all that is parole denial under the extrajudicial requirement of debriefing for parole suitability.

By the 1990’s all of the above led to the routing individuals away from their affiliation’s clutches. But there was now a hitch in place. The CDCR would only remove individuals from extrajudicial punishment provided that they undergo debriefing. Simply dropping out of their membership or association was out of the question if it weren’t followed with a debriefing. Only after a successful debriefing would the individuals be removed into Protective Custody Unit or into a general population. A successful debriefing entail a written biography of their group history, naming its members and sympathizers, along with a detailed account of the inner workings of the group and then a partial polygraphy examination would be given on the things the SSU knows isn’t fabricated, otherwise the debriefing wouldn’t be successful on the tales told.

By the time 1995 arrived the Phenomenon Effect occurred, so many individuals started debriefing that it created a stampede, the mental and physical coercion was taking its toll, individuals seeking to debrief would start telling tales of non-existent criminal conspiracies. The number of prisoners waiting to debrief created a management program for the Institutional Gang Investigators (IGI). The SSU was a highly structured elite paramilitary police unit, a lot of the IGI weren’t qualified to be part of the counterintelligence program. So the SSU created the Investigative Service Unit (ISU) and the OCS Gang Intelligence Operations. The appropriation to maintain said units inside the CDCR was an astronomical amount of tax payers’ money.

The psychopolitics of the Debriefing Program have nothing whatsoever to do with turning out reformed gang members. The debriefing individuals were encouraged to rejoin their former street gangs for protection and cover or else start their own prison street gang for an umbrella of protection and cover. The stamping out of the existence of STG-1 is a priority of the CDCR, however it has nothing whatsoever to do about bringing an end to prison gang activity. In fact it has everything to do with expanding gang activities into the inner cities of California as larger market of commerce. With the absence of the STG-1 groups from California prisons general populations between 1984 and 2014, it left a vacuum to be filled with over fifty new entities referred to by the CDCR as STG-2 prison street gangs. The uniqueness of STG-2, they are hybrid, the offerings of two entities (street/prison gangs) functioning at the same time in society and prison. Within five years of STG-2 classified groups, thousands of individuals have joined the debriefing bandwagon and not as reformed gang members nor the result of coercion of solitary confinement. Cities across California are overrun with STG-2 entities as it has become a lucrative business for the peace officer associations of sheriff, city police, state police, marshal, highway patrol and prison guards who have all established numerous specialized anti-aging units.

The ingenuity of the psycho-political strategy of the debriefing program during phase two. The names of the debriefers would be released to the prison guards so they could release the information into the prison grapevine, and at times bogus information was given to prison guards to be released. And the former cohorts of the alleged debriefer would spread the word of the now apparent snitches who betray their groups or association’s trust. And with the opening of Pelican Bay State Prison supermax solitary confinement units of C/D Facilities, of which it was architecturally designed to break the will of those identified as STG-1 via mental/physical torture under the color of state law. It was crucial to the success of the debriefing program for STG-1 groups to hold animosity against their fellow cohorts who broke under the torture and then debriefed. It mattered not to the criminal mentality thinking individuals that many of those who debriefed was under such mental torment that in order to avoid taking their life via suicide, they surrendered to their tormentors.

The United States Military at one time took the same ridiculous attitude when American soldiers being held as prisoners of war who debriefed under mental or physical torture were referred to as telling traitors, and they were dishonored by their cohorts. And then one debriefing soldier was tortured into appearing on camera making confessions and charges against the USA for war crimes, the film was presented to the United Nations as an offer of proof of America’s crimes against humanity. However the debriefer blanked out the word torture in morse code which led to a propaganda coup for America over their enemy. It was such a propaganda coup that the United States military had to re-think and re-write their playbook on their captured prisoners of war who debriefed, they were now classified as victims of torture and no longer viewed as traitors but instead as heroes.

In conclusion: the majority of debriefers who submitted to the debriefing program because of the excruciating noise, pain distress, deprivations, alienation/loss of family members, chronic illness of incurable cancer, etc. would reject opting out by suicide, and then there were those who chose to kill themselves instead of debriefing, as an honorable thing to do. Yet we referred to them as weak for killing themselves. Yes we unknowingly became the perfect collaborators of the SSU debriefing program, by turning on other victims of torture. For those who have a social consciousness that is free of the criminal mentality, we too play into SSU strategy by condemning all of our brothers victims of torture, even when it was evident that were blinking the word torture in the massive amount of CDCR 1030’s confidential information reports that held so much misinformation. It was morse code telling us of their loyalty during forced debriefing. And even after our fellow brothers received relief from their excruciating pain, we spread word about them betraying the cause of liberation. Some of our brothers who no longer could distinguish friend from foe, became homicidal under torture, and their cellie and others would reap the effects. Both the murderer and the victims of the homicidal rage are victims of torture. We must hole the state prison officials accountable by exposing the atrocities committed by SSU, IGI,. ISU, OCS, CCPOA, DRB and the BPT who all formed a criminal conspiracy and committed crimes against humanity. The Board of Prison Term are using CDCR 1030’s confidential information that was extracted during debriefing of torture victims as evidence to find those who withstood the torture as unsuitable for parole. So survivors of torture, it is time to declare a legal war/propaganda warfare against the perpetrators of the debriefing program. We have only our chains to lose.

In the early 1990’s I attempted to introduce a psychopolitical counter strategy that I believed would have exposed the hidden game plan of the debriefing program, of which was the interjecting hybrid gang members in the inner cities of California which would then transfer to inner cities all across the United States. Declaration under article five would have made the debriefing program impotent and thereby forcing it to collapse on itself. Most individuals I shared it with didn’t have the social or political maturity to understand the positive impact of the declaration. We would have generated so much support from peace loving people all over the world. Those who will reject the declaration, are not able to transition out of the criminal mentality and rather be in collaboration with the SSU debriefing program instead of destroying it. The history and the psychopolitics of the debriefing programs is much more than what’s expressed in this piece. Forever forward and never backward.

An open letter to all California prisoners…..

Henceforth this declaration should be referred to as:
Declaration under article five
I do acknowledge that solitary confinement between the years of 1985-2015 was a traumatic experience resulting in psychological and physical injuries that effected tens of thousands of California prisoners. I do declare that the effected prisoners were victims of torture that resulting in the following:
(1) The acts of suicide whole under solitary confinement.
(2) The killings of fellow prisoners while under solitary confinement.
(3) The debriefing while under solitary confinement.
(4) The suffering from activity deprivation, cultural deprivation, environmental deprivation, material deprivation, sensory deprivation, sleep deprivation, social deprivation and thought deprivation while under solitary confinement.
(5) The chronic health problems leading to cancer, Hep C, death, and the mental health problems of nervous breakdown and going insane while under solitary confinement.
I do acknowledge all prisoners (male/female) who broke under torture, mentally, physically and psychologically. I call upon the United Nations and the International Court in The Hague to register them as victims of state sanctioned/sponsor of torture. And that the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation entities of SSU, IGI, ISU, OCS, DRB, CCPOA and BPT knowingly and with callous disregard for the humane treatment of prisoners did perpetuate crimes against humanity.

I call upon both state and federal government to provide all victims of long term solitary confinement and extreme isolation with independent medical/mental health treatment and reparations in the form of monetary compensation, parole suitability, removal from parole supervision and specialized rehabilitation programs should be forthwith, and also pardons from the Governor of California for those prisoners convicted of crimes committed while under the torture listed in said declarations.

In solidarity, Louis Powell B-59864
PO Box 4490 B1-116
Lancaster, Ca. 93539-4490

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